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Hundreds march in solidarity with ‘incredibly brave’ Nikita Hand in DublinA three-goal performance from Arttu Hyry sealed the deal for the Texas Stars in their 6-2 win over the Manitoba Moose. Two other Stars players recorded three-point (1G, 2A) games. Manitoba got the early jump as they found themselves with a 4-1 shot advantage as the period started. A couple of notable plays from the Moose nearly gave them an early lead too, but Magnus Hellberg kept the game scoreless and gave Texas that extra advantage. Dmitry Kuzmin would fly up the left wing and make a couple of good moves to beat two Texas defenders, when he ran out of real estate, he passed the puck to Parker Ford right in front of Hellberg who made the pad save to keep Manitoba off the board. Texas continued to build momentum as time wound down and they ramped up their physicality. While Manitoba would get the only power play chance of the first period, Texas would prevent Manitoba from registering a shot for the last 12:09 of the first period. Arttu Hyry, who took a bad elbowing penalty, would redeem himself after the Moose would bobble the puck in front of the net and Hyry would bury the puck to put the Stars up 1-0. Closing out the first period, Manitoba trailed 1-0 and were outshot 10-4, including nine straight shots for the Stars. The second period didn’t get any easier for Manitoba as they added another 1:24 to their total without a shot on goal. Manitoba found themselves on the power play again, which would fall flat again. As soon as Kyle Capobianco got out of the penalty box, he would find Matej Blumel with a nice cross-ice feed for Blumel’s first of the game. The 2-0 insurance marker gave Texas some extra breathing room against the Moose who were pushing heavy in the early going of the second frame. Just seconds after Blumel’s goal, Tyrel Bauer would get called for interference, and Alex Petrovic took exception to the hit. Both players engaged in a lengthy fight that evened the momentum between both teams. Here’s the full fight and the play that led up to the Tyrel Bauer and Alex Petrovic fight. #MBMoose #ITR pic.twitter.com/LvLpFpZKfX Manitoba and Texas kept going back and forth, but the Moose found themselves on the penalty kill. They kept Texas at bay, and a 2-on-1 shorthanded break presented itself for Jaret Anderson-Dolan and Dominic Toninato. Anderson-Dolan was unable to find the stick of Toninato and the play shot back the other way. Minutes after the Moose’s successful penalty kill, Arttu Hyry got his second of the game after a back-and-forth passing sequence between Cameron Hughes and Hyry. Hyry buried it for his second of the game to put the Stars up 3-0. Just 1:01 later, Mason Shaw shot up the right wing and had more than enough time and space. His first shot was blocked by a Stars defender, but the puck bounced right back to him and Shaw fired it low for his fifth goal of the season. Manitoba closed the second period trailing 3-1 and being outshot 21-12, but they had more offensive zone rushes and more momentum in their favour after Shaw’s goal. The third period was the final dagger for the Moose as Arttu Hyry scored the hat-trick goal to make it 4-1 for Texas. Following some more back-and-forth play, Cameron Hughes took a tripping penalty and seconds after he got out of the box, he would score top shelf to put Texas up 5-1. The Moose didn’t go away quietly as Toninato got behind the net and found Simon Lundmark who got the initial shot off for Simon Lundmark to pick up the rebound and make it 5-2. However, the Moose’s celebration wouldn’t last long as Antonio Stranges scored 47 seconds later to make it a final score of 6-2 Texas. Both teams are back in action on Tuesday, December 31st with a 4:00 pm CST puck drop for the Manitoba Moose’s annual New Years Eve game. This article first appeared on Inside The Rink and was syndicated with permission.Decoding 5 Analyst Evaluations For Samsara

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Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’

In late October, India and China finalized a deal to pull back troops from two key Himalayan flashpoints in eastern Ladakh. This was a welcome reprieve after over 20 rounds of often lackluster, grim-appearing negotiations and no letup in Chinese transgressions (for example, in Tawang and Barahoti ). Soon after the agreement was reached, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping met at the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia, and signaled their evolving political intent for “peace and stability” after maintaining a cold shoulder for almost half a decade. A formal dialogue had eluded them since the much-hyped but ultimately deceptive meeting in Mamallapuram in October 2019. These signs of an apparent thaw have sent political commentators into a tizzy. The new announcement appeared jarring to some, mainly because a month earlier, in September, Modi was hobnobbing with the outgoing U.S. President Joe Biden in his hometown of Wilmington, Delaware for the all-important Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad comprising Australia, India, Japan, and the U.S.) leaders’ summit – a mainstay for the four members and other stakeholders’ Indo-Pacific visions and strategies. For China, the Quad is a true embodiment of the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific construct. Beijing’s perception of the grouping has evolved from dismissing it as easily dissipated “ sea foam ” to seeing the Quad as an “ anti-China ” bloc fostering regional divisiveness. India’s precarious China-U.S. balancing act will get a fresh twist in the coming months with U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, who, in his first term as president, famously got along with strongman Modi, reportedly having picked well-known “China hawks” for top diplomatic roles in his incoming administration. India’s diplomatic prescience, or at least deftness, becomes all the more vital when viewed through the prism of global leaders (from Europe to East Asia ) who have proclaimed the accelerating trends toward multipolarity – a multipolar Asia and world ranks high among India’s foreign policy priorities, too. So does the China-India thaw, along with India’s redoubled participation in China-dominant non-Western forums like the newly expanded BRICS summit, indicate India’s intention to reduce its tilt to the West, particularly the United States? And more importantly, what does this mean for India and its Indo-Pacific priorities? India’s priorities for the Indo-Pacific order align with its outlook that a multipolar Asia is the best paradigm for peace and stability. In that vision, an economically developed and strong India is critical. It is precisely this dual track of a multipolar Indo-Pacific and a strong India that the country pursues across virtually all wind directions and strategic sectors. In the Tussle for Multi/Bipolarity, the Indo-Pacific Remains the Focus In the growing bipolar dynamics between the United States and China amid the high stakes high-tech rivalry, India’s attempts toward a “multi-aligned” strategic rebalancing are gaining ground. Even though China is still India’s top trading partner , the former is a continuing perceived threat along the Himalayan border and in the maritime domain, particularly in the Indian Ocean region (IOR), the recent thaw notwithstanding. As a result, as part of its objective to strengthen itself, India has solidified its technological, defense, and security ties with China’s primary rival, the United States. Be it launching the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology ( iCET ) and the India-U.S. Defense Acceleration Ecosystem ( INDUS-X ), expanding bilateral and multilateral maritime exercises, building a joint semiconductor fabrication plant, conducting collaborative research in the outer space sector, creating critical minerals supply chains , or cooperating on emerging digital technologies in Asia and Africa, the U.S. has in the Biden years perhaps become India’s most valuable partnership. Indeed, as a coercive actor in the region and a (perceived) threat to India, China has been a central aspect of this partnership. At the same time, India has diversified its engagements by strengthening economic and trade, diplomatic, digital (including critical technologies such as semiconductors), and maritime security cooperation with various countries. Mainly, India has actively pursued ties with “like-minded” Indo-Pacific stakeholders. India has tightened cooperation with partners like Australia, the European Union, European major powers like France, Germany, Sweden, the Netherlands, and the U.K.; Japan, the Philippines, South Korea (though ties have not fulfilled their potential despite much ado), and Vietnam. India has also reached out to technological superpower Taiwan, although that marks a redline with China, and so the budding strategic outreach would be tricky. This pursuit of varied partners – all efforts to promote multipolarity – is as much to counter the bipolar compulsions due to the China-U.S. rivalry as to counter China’s growing footprint in India’s backyard of South Asia and the IOR. Europe Is a Flourishing and Fast-Growing Pivot In that vein, India’s still-evolving outreach to various parts of Europe, including the EU and its members, and recent concerted wooing of Southeast Asian states like Singapore and the relevant regional multilateral organizations are particularly noteworthy among India’s outreach activities. As China’s growing coercion against states, including in Europe and Asia, has intensified, European partners, particularly the EU, have looked to strengthen their Indo-Pacific strategies. India has seized the moment to become Europe’s top priority. India has boosted its links to all parts of Europe through high-level engagements, including Modi’s visits to Italy, Poland, Greece, Ukraine, Austria, and Denmark (for the Nordic summit ), to name a few in the last couple of years. Notably, India’s diplomacy is not limited just to the traditional partnerships, say with France or Germany – although the latter have not lost space in India’s diplomacy, as is evident from German Chancellor Olaf Scholz ’s recent India visit, for example. The results have been mixed. The launch of the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) has been historic, and enhanced coordination, including new collaborations (for example, on recycling e-vehicle batteries ), has come up. New high-tech-oriented economic ties, including on semiconductors , with the EU will also enable India to give impetus to its economic superpower potential . Moreover, India has been able to push for connectivity initiatives via the EU’s Global Gateway, including the collaboration with the European Investment Bank (EIB). Yet, as the ongoing negotiations for the India-EU free trade agreement (FTA) suggest, more must be done to mitigate fundamental differences and boost political will. Notably, India needs to work with the EU, a reliable bloc with high-tech capabilities, on climate action and innovation and regional economic integration in India’s immediate neighborhood and Southeast Asia, where China has tremendous clout. This will benefit the partners economically and strengthen the Indo-Pacific order without resorting to obvious moralizing. But the Core Lies in Modi’s Southeast Asia Pitch Since his first term of “Acting East,” Modi has been vocally ambitious about Southeast Asia, even if linkages may not have lived up to his vision yet. Modi sought to primarily draw on the historical and cultural linkages between South Asia (south India) and Southeast Asia. The two regions, however, famously lack integration despite booming potential – as per a 2022 World Bank report , trade linkages between the two subregions grew about nine-fold over the past two decades, from $38 billion in 2000 to $349 billion in 2018. As a dialogue partner and comprehensive strategic partner of the the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), as well as an East Asia Summit ( EAS ) member, India has been constantly championing ASEAN centrality in its Indo-Pacific outlook on order. Yet the potential has not been fully tapped . Nonetheless, Modi’s recent visits to Singapore and Brunei highlighted good tidings regarding future-oriented diplomatic, economic, and strategic ties between India and ASEAN states in the Indo-Pacific. In Brunei , India upgraded ties, deepening cooperation in defense, trade, investment, technology, renewables, climate change, and regional security avenues. In Singapore , the so-called gateway to Southeast Asia, India showcased that its ambition to build itself as a manufacturing hub in the new digital era would necessitate strategically incorporating Southeast Asian states into the mix, as evidenced by the India-Singapore Semiconductor Ecosystem Partnership. Moreover, Vietnam and the Philippines’ upswing in defense cooperation with India, including arms sales, indicates that bonding over the perceived threat from China as a common factor will impact their ties going forward. India’s tacit support of the Philippines and evolution in its South China Sea stance highlight the regional “ convergence of interests ,” particularly India’s growing stress on the maritime domain of the Indo-Pacific. Building Tricky Bridges? Notably, Modi, in recent times, has also shown a penchant for embracing contrasting worldviews. He has courted Russian President Vladimir Putin and extended a historic outreach to Ukraine by visiting the two warring states back to back. The former move expectedly drew criticism in Kyiv and the West, but the overall strategy has, to an extent, worked for India. It is important to note that amid the geopolitical contest between Russia and the West, India has not isolated Russia as a vital partner. At the same time, India’s relationship with Russia is not a strategic priority , “with the primary focus instead being strategic maintenance rather than elevating relations.” In West Asia, too, although commentators have called out India for tacitly backing Israel under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Modi has equally reached out to the Palestinian leadership . Undoubtedly, India’s engagement with Israel has, in the last decade, become well-rounded (from defense to innovation), without New Delhi shying away from showcasing its interests beyond the ideological . Yet, the political tightrope has not been discarded: there is continued emphasis on a “two-state solution,” ceasefire, and a return to diplomacy and dialogue. Moreover, India’s ties with the other states of West Asia are historically high, from the cross-sectoral comprehensive strategic partnership with the UAE to India and Iran signing a 10-year deal on Chabahar despite India’s potential risk of embroiling in U.S. sanctions. With China having expanded its strategic footprint in West Asia (exemplified by the brokering of the Iran-Saudi Arabia deal), India has displayed more foresight in multipolarizing this region. India’s Strategy Makes Sense Keeping Trump’s last term and his “ transactional diplomacy ” in mind, it is apparent that the push for multilateralism seen in Biden’s term (“ restoring American engagement internationally ”) will give way to enhanced focus on bilateralism and minilateralism – championing the values of the so-called “ multilateralism à la carte .” Even as India has been a fervent proponent of effective multilateralism via reforms in multilateral institutions, a minilateral approach suits India just fine. For example, India has effectively utilized the Quad – rejuvenated under Trump 1.0 – to expand its global profile and provide momentum for developing a credible security mechanism in the Indo-Pacific. Flexible arrangements like the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity ( IPEF ), which is not an FTA, have also allowed India to push for interests-based goals such as strengthening supply chains , while opting out of the IPEF’s trade pillar. At the same time, India’s proactive participation in U.S.-led initiatives like Quad and non-Western forums like BRICS – the latter are expanding amid a void of functioning multilateralism – ultimately highlights its broadened appeal. Against that overall scenario, a question also arises: whether India will be willing to leverage its new apparent softening toward China – another strong Global South leader with a broader appeal – as part of India’s deft balancing act between the West/North and the East/South. It is clear that the China-India hostilities are unlikely to cease, nor is India’s aversion to Xi’s controversial mega-project of the Belt and Road Initiative going to change. Nonetheless, that the two regional rivals have already cooperated as founding members of the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), among other fora, highlights the unpredictability and flexibility of global transactional politics. Trump’s reemergence will only strengthen such maneuvers. By and large, India’s approaches to fostering the Indo-Pacific order align with its outlook that a multipolar Indo-Pacific that includes a strong India is the bedrock for peace and stability. In that vein, India’s modus operandi blends realpolitik and flexible diplomacy – and who could fault that? This work is part of a Stiftung Mercator-funded project titled “ Order in the Indo-Pacific : Gauging the Region’s Perspectives on EU Strategies and Constructive Involvement.” The views and opinions expressed are those of the authors only and do not necessarily reflect those of Stiftung Mercator or the authors’ respective institutes.NoneSAN ANTONIO – For most of the players on the Colorado football team, participating in the Valero Alamo Bowl was never a question. When head coach Deion Sanders told the Buffs that their two biggest stars – quarterback Shedeur Sanders and cornerback/receiver Travis Hunter – would also be playing, though, that provided a jolt of energy. Shedeur and Hunter are both projected as top-five picks in the 2025 NFL Draft and in recent years, the top NFL prospects have often opted out of bowl games, but that won’t be the case when the 20th-ranked Buffs (9-3) face No. 17 BYU on Saturday at the Alamodome (5:30 p.m. MT, ABC). “I think that was the really cool part,” safety Ben Finneseth said. “I was talking to my family about that the other day, and how much we appreciated Coach Prime for saying that these guys were going to be playing. And, you know, the fact that we all get to go out the right way. We started the season together, let’s finish it all together. That’s the best part.” On Monday night, after the team’s arrival to the hotel in preparation for Saturday’s game against BYU, Coach Prime and athletic director Rick George announced that CU has secured disability insurance for the players, with Shedeur and Hunter getting the largest insurance policies ever given to college athletes. In addition to the star players planning to participate, the Buffs have been able to bring more players than usual on a road trip. During the regular season, travel rosters are limited by numbers, but the entire team was able to come to San Antonio. “It is really cool ... having all the guys of the team come and seeing guys that normally don’t travel to some away games due to that limited number,” running back Charlie Offerdahl said. “It’s going to be a pretty special experience, having them all here.” Finneseth added: “Obviously, we couldn’t have gotten here without all guys on this team.” Positive thinking Since winning the Heisman Trophy on Dec. 14, Hunter’s relationship with his fiancé has been the target of some on social media. Coach Prime often refers to nonsense as “bull junk,” and when asked about the bull junk Hunter has dealt with, Coach Prime focused on positives. “I don’t know about the bull junk,” he said. “I think everything is great. He has a Heisman Trophy at the crib. He’s projected to be the first or second pick, no later than the third. I don’t know where the bull junk comes in at. I think it’s all a blessing. Things that you may count as stressing is still a blessing. And I think he’s headed in the right direction. “He loves the game of football. I’m always focused on the positive, not the negative. ... Why would you focus on that when the positive is right there in front of you? So, I love this young man. I love what he stands for. I love him like he’s a son. He’s exceeded expectations. He’s exceeded everything we asked of him, academically as well as athletically. So I’m happy for what he’s going to do in this particular game.” Notable Coach Prime said Monday that 100-year-old superfan Peggy Coppom is planning to be at the game on Saturday. “I think she’s starting as well,” he joked. “She’s in the starting lineup, but she will be here.” ... CU freshman walk-on linebacker Gage Goldberg was one player local media was looking forward to seeing on Tuesday. Goldberg graduated from Champion High School in Boerne, located about 25 miles from San Antonio. His father, pro wrestling superstar Bill Goldberg, was on hand for practice. ... Receiver LaJohntay Wester, who has worn No. 10 all season, has switched to No. 1 this week. Coach Prime gave Wester a No. 1 jersey earlier this season, but Wester had to take care of some academic priorities before earning the right to wear it on the field.

Former New York Giants quarterback reportedly cleared waivers on Monday after his release, according to Mike Garafolo and Ian Rapoport of NFL Network, making him a free agent. He may not be on the market for long—Jay Glazer of Fox Sports reported on Sunday that 10 teams have already reached out to Jones, with at least one team interested in making him the starter this season. This article will be updated soon to provide more information and analysis. For more from Bleacher Report on this topic and from around the sports world, check out our B/R app , homepage and social feeds—including Twitter , Instagram , Facebook and TikTok .The year ahead will be an extremely challenging one for global financial markets for 10 reasons. We will deal with the first five this week. ? There will be a significant correction in US stocks because of severe bubbles, especially with the Shiller P/E ratio of the S&P 500 Index P/E having reached its third-highest level in history of 38.35 times. This is the sixth time that the S&P 500 P/E ratio has risen past the 30-times mark in the past 154 years. The other five times that it happened saw market retreats of between 20 and 89 percent for the S&P 500, Dow Jones Industrial Average and Nasdaq Composite Index. Therefore, a major adjustment of more than 20 percent would seem to be inevitable for the three major indexes. ? The US economy is on the brink of a recession, which shows the seriousness of the problem from the M2 money supply. As of October, M2 has fallen by up to 4.74 percent from its peak between April 2022 and October 2023. Since early 1870, there have been five instances of M2 declines of more than 2 percent during the same period last year: 1878, 1893, 1921, 1931 to 1933 and 2023 to 2024. The previous four times this happened, the US economy would have fallen into a recession or depression. In 2023, the US Federal Reserve was trying to push M2 through monetary policy. That policy may change next year with the rate-cuts pace expected to remain fierce, plus the public's savings rate is declining. These factors will mean the M2 will be under pressure to pull back. Hence, one has to be cautious as there is a possibility of a US recession after the second quarter. ? Despite that possibility, it does not mean the economy or stocks will fall into a long-term recession or decline. The United States has seen 12 recessions since the end of World War II. Nine were resolved in less than a year and the rest in no more than 18 months. In addition, since the Great Depression in September 1929, the S&P 500's upward cycle has been 3.5 times longer than its downward one. Even if US stocks have an adjustment of more than 20 percent, it will mean it's a good time for a low-priced entry. This is especially since US companies have plenty of cash and unique high-tech products, such as high-end artificial intelligence chips that have a market share of more than 80 percent. ? The problems in Europe are more difficult to solve than the US ones. Its chaotic welfare, refugee and other policies over the past 10 years have put several countries in serious financial trouble. The eurozone's GDP in the third quarter only grew 0.4 percent and Germany and France are on the brink of negative growth. Upcoming US tariffs and other policies may affect its economic performance after Donald Trump takes office next year. Coupled with the inevitable increase in NATO's spending, Europe's economy and finances will be in a tight spot. It is believed the euro will fall to parity against the dollar. The UK economy and finances are also no better than Germany and France's, so the pound will fall to 1.2 against the dollar. ? Japan may be one of the few countries that can be optimistic. A weak yen, the absence of asset bubbles and wage reforms have brought huge inflows and seen domestic demand recover. However, the key concern is the shaky position of Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba. Questions hang over whether he knows how to bring together a stable and governable coalition and his foreign-affair nous. Trump will be a big test for Ishiba. This not only limits the uptrend of the Japanese stock market but also limits room for a yen recovery. The Nikkei is expected to top out at only 44,000 points next year. The dollar against the yen could also be expected to hold at a level of 140, which would also limit the room for a significant rise in the yen. Andrew Wong is a veteran independent commentator

Simo Valakari explains training ground graft behind St Johnstone’s first headed goal of season – and why it should lead to moreBy BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter’s closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

Drones, planes or UFOs? Americans abuzz over mysterious New Jersey sightingsJimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’

Qatar tribune QNA Doha The Ministry of Communications and Information Technology (MCIT) has announced the formation of ‘Digital Skills Working Group’, with the objective of aligning efforts with the Digital Agenda 2030, as well as the Third National Development Strategy. In a statement on Sunday, the MCIT noted that the working group’s objectives include conducting in-depth studies to identify training needs, developing innovative training programmes, and unifying efforts among various stakeholders to create a supportive environment for learning and professional development in the digital field. It highlighted that the working group recently held an initial meeting with the Ministry of Education and Higher Education and the Ministry of Labour to discuss and define the organisational mechanisms it will adopt in implementing future activities to ensure alignment with its strategic goals for digital skills development at the national level. As part of its operational plans, the Digital Skills Working Group will hold quarterly meetings to coordinate efforts, identify opportunities, and improve ongoing initiatives related to digital skills. Key focus areas include digital skills programmes for youth, workforce skill development, and establishing comprehensive digital skills frameworks, the statement added. The statement highlighted that by fostering collaboration, sharing actionable insights, and addressing challenges, the working group aims to strengthen Qatar’s digital skills ecosystem and contribute to building an advanced, future-ready digital society. The Digital Skills Working Group is a cornerstone of Qatar’s strategic efforts to accelerate digital transformation and establish an integrated ecosystem that promotes innovation, collaboration, and growth across all sectors. Copy 30/12/2024 10Even in outwardly inclusive workplaces, LGBTQ+ employees face ‘invisible’ challenges

OpenAI Launches ChatGPT Pro for $200 a MonthThis article contains affiliate links. We may earn a small commission on items purchased through this article, but that does not affect our editorial judgement. Did you know with an ad-lite subscription to GlasgowWorld, you get 70% fewer ads while viewing the news that matters to you. It's inevitable that as battery technology progresses, portable power stations will become more, well, portable. And the latest developments have seen a raft of new, compact power stations arriving in 2024 that can keep gadgets topped up without adding too much bulk to your backpack. The Anker brand Solix has been one of the latest companies to throw its hat into this particular ring, and it's doing things a bit differently. Unlike some small portable power stations, the new Solix C300 is tall, narrow and designed to be carried with a strap. That makes it more versatile, and the fact it's 15% smaller than its rivals really helps. There are two versions of the C300, one has a pair of AC sockets with a small inverter built in, the other has just a 12v selection of outputs. I've been testing the AC version for a while, using it to power and charge all sorts of devices, and it hasn't missed a beat. The inverter can cope with constant loads of up to 300 watts , or a surge of up to 600 watts, so it'll comfortably run any laptop, or even some power tools, or a projector. The USB sockets, of which there are four, can pump out 140 watts , which is impressive, and the battery has a 288Wh capacity , which is effectively the same as around 90,000mAh. So it has plenty of power for most of the devices you could plausibly take with you on an outdoor excursion, or a camping trip. And it weighs just 4kg. The DC version , without the two three-pin sockets, is even lighter, and that one comes with a clever pop-out lamp on the top . The AC version makes do with a light bar, but it's pretty bright. They both have Anker's LCD display on the front, which makes monitoring inputs and outputs really easy, with a clear indicator of how much charge is left in percentage terms. Recharging can be done through the USB sockets , more slowly through the car charging socket, through a solar input up to 100 watts or, in the case of the AC version , at 330 watts through an AC input. The DC version, however, can accept two charging loads through its USB-C sockets , instead of just one on the AC version. This means you can potentially hose in 280 watts. It won't charge quite as quickly as the AC version, then, but it's very impressive. In fact, I do think the DC version is the more versatile device , overall. It's a bit lighter and smaller, it has that neat pop-up lamp, and unless you really need an AC socket , it's just as useful. In fact, using an inverter is quite inefficient, and you'll have to cope with a phantom load just by turning it on. If you can, you should always use the 12V supply. And then there's the price. This is where it gets interesting. At the time of publication, the DC version costs £149.99, down from its usual £199.99. Meanwhile the AC version, usually priced at £269.99, costs £189.99. It makes it something of a dilemma for buyers, because there's only a £40 difference between the two. And that £40 gets you a robust inverter and two AC sockets. But, like I say, if you don't need AC power , if you can cope with some very powerful USB sockets and you'd prefer the lightness and smaller size, go for the DC version . You won't be disappointed. They're both really good bits of kit.

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