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Carson Beck injury update: Georgia QB hurts hand vs Texas in SEC championship gameWASHINGTON — As she checked into a recent flight to Mexico for vacation, Teja Smith chuckled at the idea of joining another Women’s March on Washington . As a Black woman, she just couldn’t see herself helping to replicate the largest act of resistance against then-President Donald Trump’s first term in January 2017. Even in an election this year where Trump questioned his opponent’s race , held rallies featuring racist insults and falsely claimed Black migrants in Ohio were eating residents’ pets , he didn't just win a second term. He became the first Republican in two decades to clinch the popular vote, although by a small margin. “It’s like the people have spoken and this is what America looks like,” said Smith, the Los Angeles-based founder of the advocacy social media agency, Get Social. “And there’s not too much more fighting that you’re going to be able to do without losing your own sanity.” After Trump was declared the winner over Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris , many politically engaged Black women said they were so dismayed by the outcome that they were reassessing — but not completely abandoning — their enthusiasm for electoral politics and movement organizing. Black women often carry much of the work of getting out the vote in their communities. They had vigorously supported the historic candidacy of Harris, who would have been the first woman of Black and South Asian descent to win the presidency. Harris' loss spurred a wave of Black women across social media resolving to prioritize themselves, before giving so much to a country that over and over has shown its indifference to their concerns. AP VoteCast , a survey of more than 120,000 voters, found that 6 in 10 Black women said the future of democracy in the United States was the single most important factor for their vote this year, a higher share than for other demographic groups. But now, with Trump set to return to office in two months, some Black women are renewing calls to emphasize rest, focus on mental health and become more selective about what fight they lend their organizing power to. “America is going to have to save herself,” said LaTosha Brown, the co-founder of the national voting rights group Black Voters Matter. She compared Black women’s presence in social justice movements as “core strategists and core organizers” to the North Star, known as the most consistent and dependable star in the galaxy because of its seemingly fixed position in the sky. People can rely on Black women to lead change, Brown said, but the next four years will look different. “That’s not a herculean task that’s for us. We don’t want that title. ... I have no goals to be a martyr for a nation that cares nothing about me,” she said. AP VoteCast paints a clear picture of Black women's concerns. Black female voters were most likely to say that democracy was the single most important factor for their vote, compared to other motivators such as high prices or abortion. More than 7 in 10 Black female voters said they were “very concerned” that electing Trump would lead the nation toward authoritarianism, while only about 2 in 10 said this about Harris. About 9 in 10 Black female voters supported Harris in 2024, according to AP VoteCast, similar to the share that backed Democrat Joe Biden in 2020. Trump received support from more than half of white voters, who made up the vast majority of his coalition in both years. Like voters overall, Black women were most likely to say the economy and jobs were the most important issues facing the country, with about one-third saying that. But they were more likely than many other groups to say that abortion and racism were the top issues, and much less likely than other groups to say immigration was the top issue. Despite those concerns, which were well-voiced by Black women throughout the campaign, increased support from young men of color and white women helped expand Trump’s lead and secured his victory. Politically engaged Black women said they don’t plan to continue positioning themselves in the vertebrae of the “backbone” of America’s democracy. The growing movement prompting Black women to withdraw is a shift from history, where they are often present and at the forefront of political and social change. One of the earliest examples is the women’s suffrage movement that led to ratification in 1920 of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution , which gave women the right to vote. Black women, however, were prevented from voting for decades afterward because of Jim Crow-era literacy tests, poll taxes and laws that blocked the grandchildren of slaves from voting. Most Black women couldn’t vote until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Black women were among the organizers and counted among the marchers brutalized on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Alabama, during the historic march in 1965 from Selma to Montgomery that preceded federal legislation. Decades later, Black women were prominent organizers of the Black Lives Matter movement in response to the deaths of Black Americans at the hands of police and vigilantes. In his 2024 campaign, Trump called for leveraging federal money to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion programs in government programs and discussions of race, gender or sexual orientation in schools. His rhetoric on immigration, including false claims that Black Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, were eating cats and dogs, drove support for his plan to deport millions of people . Tenita Taylor, a Black resident of Atlanta who supported Trump this year, said she was initially excited about Harris’ candidacy. But after thinking about how high her grocery bills have been, she feels that voting for Trump in hopes of finally getting lower prices was a form of self-prioritization. “People say, ‘Well, that’s selfish, it was gonna be better for the greater good,''' she said. “I’m a mother of five kids. ... The things that (Democrats) do either affect the rich or the poor.” Some of Trump’s plans affect people in Olivia Gordon’s immediate community, which is why she struggled to get behind the “Black women rest” wave. Gordon, a New York-based lawyer who supported the Party for Socialism and Liberation’s presidential nominee, Claudia de la Cruz, worries about who may be left behind if the 92% of Black women voters who backed Harris simply stopped advocating. “We’re talking millions of Black women here. If millions of Black women take a step back, it absolutely leaves holes, but for other Black women,” she said. “I think we sometimes are in the bubble of if it’s not in your immediate circle, maybe it doesn’t apply to you. And I truly implore people to understand that it does.” Nicole Lewis, an Alabama-based therapist who specializes in treating Black women’s stress, said she’s aware that Black women withdrawing from social impact movements could have a fallout. But she also hopes that it forces a reckoning for the nation to understand the consequences of not standing in solidarity with Black women. “It could impact things negatively because there isn’t that voice from the most empathetic group,” she said. “I also think it’s going to give other groups an opportunity to step up. ... My hope is that they do show up for themselves and everyone else.” Brown said a reckoning might be exactly what the country needs, but it’s a reckoning for everyone else. Black women, she said, did their job when they supported Harris in droves in hopes they could thwart the massive changes expected under Trump. “This ain’t our reckoning,” she said. “I don’t feel no guilt.” ____ AP polling editor Amelia Thomson DeVeaux and Associated Press writer Linley Sanders in Washington contributed to this report.

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Winners, losers as Eagles rout Rams 37-20 on Sunday Night FootballFBI offers reward in hunt for gunman who killed UnitedHealthcare CEOOne of the interesting facts about Scott Morrison’s period as prime minister is that he managed to squander public approval twice. The second came via a long, protracted slide through most of the pandemic. But in fact his popularity had sunk as low – and much, much faster, at least in Newspoll – just a few months after his 2019 election victory. The main event involved was that summer’s bushfires. His trip to Hawaii is the symbol of that failure, but the actual problems were long and drawn-out. There was the slowness to act and the failure to meet with emergency leaders, the mangled handshakes, “I don’t hold a hose” and the sidestepping of the climate debate. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton are neck and neck in opinion polls. Credit: Alex Ellinghausen The political ramifications of a natural disaster are the least important thing about it. I recount this because it’s always worth keeping in mind, in politics, how quickly things can change. Also: how dominant a crisis can be. Morrison’s disastrous summer, in fact, was only really rescued by the advent of another crisis – the early part of the pandemic, when his numbers soared – before that crisis, too, destroyed him. Recent weeks have seen at least two significant shifts, with another at least possible. For a long time, it seemed as though the Albanese government would get a rate cut – even two – before the election. As I wrote a few weeks back, this had the potential to act as tangible affirmation of its economic strategy , the other elements of which – wage growth, job creation – had been lining up nicely. Last week, Westpac joined NAB in predicting the next rate cut would come on May 20 – three days after the last possible date for the election. The government now has to hope voters’ moods improve without that rate cut. It’s possible. Essential poll last week found a small fall in people who say they’re struggling. There was a small but notable shift in one of the more interesting indicators: whether people believe the country is on the right track. It’s too early to spot a trend, and more people disagree than agree – but the “right direction” figure was (just) the highest it’s been since May 2023 . Illustration by Joe Benke Credit: The second change is the victory of Donald Trump. There are signs – like his retreat from the nomination of Matt Gaetz as attorney-general – that Trump’s term may be as bizarre as his first. One veteran observer suggested to me some time ago that a Trump victory may play into Albanese’s slow-and-steady approach: that in an era of messiness, boredom becomes appealing. At present, though, the opposite is the case. Last week, a Freshwater Strategy poll in the Australian Financial Review found 36 per cent of voters believed Albanese was best placed to deal with Trump – against 47 per cent who favoured Dutton. Finally, we should all hope this is a quiet season for natural disasters. Recent weeks have reminded us, this can’t be taken for granted. There have been bushfires in Queensland, the ABC reporting that amid the smoke last month Mount Isa was briefly “the most polluted city in the world”. There were evacuations in response to fires in Victoria (arson seems to have played a role in several of these).

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